|
Ramanand, Shobhnath and Phoolchand, all based in New Delhi, are successful entrepreneurs. Hailing from Azamgarh district of Uttar Pradesh, all of them are Dalits. Ramanand manufactures dye used in making copper wire. He exports his product to Germany. He owns his own workshop and a house in Delhi. He employs two workers for his unit, and owns a car and a two-wheeler.
Shobhnath manufactures copper wire and employs half a dozen workers. He has his own workshop and a decent house in New Delhi. He owns a Toyota Qualis and a Royal Enfield-Bullet. Phoolchand is in transport business and owns four mini-trucks.
All the three Dalit entrepreneurs immigrated to New Delhi in search of a job. For years they worked as labourers and lived in slums. They learnt tricks of their respective trades, saved money and became entrepreneurs. Today they are role models in their community. There are hundreds of such successful Dalits in Delhi, who had neither any education nor any family legacy of business.
The Census of India for Dalits and Tribals for 2001 is now published. The Series-I, Table A-8 titled as Primary Census Abstract, gives an idea of Dalit entrepreneurs. Figures below are not related to Tribals.
According to the Census report, of the total Dalit workforce, 2.62 million of them are in household industry. By definition, these Dalits are manufacturers. Operating from within their homes, these Dalits, most of them without any legacy in industrial enterprise, have become part of the market economy. That means, 2.62 million Dalits are prospective Ramanads and Shobhnaths.
Data relating to Dalits in trade and commerce are yet to be published. But the data relating to Census report of 1991, give some idea. In 1991, there were 1.2 million Dalits in the household industry, and the number went up to 2.62 million in a decade. By that rate, number of Dalits in trade and commerce should be around three million in 2001 Census, as they numbered 1.47 million in 1991.
In other words, there are about 5.50 million Dalits in household industry and trade and commerce. Three decades back in 1971, Dalits in these categories were a mere 1.35 million. That means, during 1971-2001, 4.15 million Dalits have been added to the manufacturing and business sector. We don't have figures for 1951. A wild guess would suggest their number in a few thousands.
This is an eye opener and a positive pointer. First most Dalits entering into manufacturing and trade or government jobs come from the social hell of the agrarian economy. In other words, more than 5.50 million Dalits have got emancipated from Manu's social codes-thanks to the natural process of capitalist expansion.
Only to appreciate importance of this phenomenon, we can contrast this with the number of Dalits emancipated through government jobs. The total number of jobs in the government sector all over India is fewer than 20 million. Dalits (excluding Tribals, who are entitled for 7.50 per cent) are entitled for a reservation quota of 15 per cent. Dalits' entitlement of government jobs therefore is fewer than three million. In that sense, the number of Dalits emancipated through government jobs will be about half the number of Dalits emancipated through the expansion of capitalism.
This is not to undermine the importance of government jobs - which bring more prestige and are more security. It is only to appreciate importance of the capitalism. A rural/feudal India is a hell for Dalits. Secondly, despite the fact that there are about 5.50 million Dalits in manufacturing and trade, there are no Dalit multi-millionaires or billionaires.
It is here the doctrine of diversity comes into play. The present day Indian industrialists are products of Manu's discriminatory affirmative action programmes, where enterprises, trade and commerce were reserved for certain classes of people. That was Manu-man made order. If these 5.5 million Dalits are pushed into supplier/dealership network, as it happened in the United States for Blacks, from these Dalit manufacturers and traders will evolve Dalit multi-millionaires and billionaires.
It is rather ironical. Dalits living in Manu's India could not envision a Dalit Capitalism March. The Dalit NRIs, successful, enjoying life, could understand the meaning of money and enterprise, and produced one KP Singh to counter Manu Dharma, and revive the original Ambedkarism.
As the logic suggests, Dalit capitalists can fight Manu Dharma more effectively than Dalits fighting for ration cards! (Source: The Pioneer)
|
News 
